Incentives in Human Subject Research

Incentives in Human Subject Research Reka Zsilinszka The use of incentives permeates throughout all aspects of medicine; from bonuses for holiday or overnight shifts, to loan forgiveness programs for physicians practicing in underserved areas, incentives serve an important role in promoting patient care. In the vast majority of situations, the use of incentives in medicine is an unproblematic and elegant solution to issues with staffing or access to care. However, when employed in human subjects research (HSR), the use of incentives is often uncharted territory[REM1]. There are limited formal guidelines that delineate the correct application of incentives and compensation in research, and the issue remains largely unresolved. Thus, the ethics [REM2]of compensation often boils down to the specific type of patient population under study. In this paper, I will discuss the differences between vulnerable and non-vulnerable patient populations, and expound on the use of incentives in each of these populations in the context of modern medical ethical codes. Definitions As stated previously, the use of incentives in most aspects of medicine is rarely considered unethical. It is only when incentives – monetary or otherwise – are used as undue [REM3]influence in order to promote participation in a study that the use of incentives can cross an ethical boundary. Oxford English Dictionary defines undue influence as â€Å"influence by which a person is induced to act otherwise than by their own free will or without adequate attention to the consequences.†[1] Therefore, one of the most important concepts in a discussion about the ethics of incentives in human subjects research is that of a vulnerable subject, because it is this population of patients that is most sensitive to the â€Å"undue influence† of incentives. We learned in Dr. Looney’s lecture â€Å"Research with Vulnerable Subjects† that there are several categories that define this population. In general, a vulnerable subject would be anyone that has limi tations on either their mental capacity or their voluntariness to participate in research; it is this latter definition that is most sensitive to undue influence. Thus, some examples of vulnerable subjects include people in emergency situations, children/infants/embryo, the mentally ill, people of a low socioeconomic or educational status, people with terminal illness, and people in hierarchical organizations where there are power differentials. While this list is by no means exhaustive, it gives an important sampling of patients that are often recruited by researchers, and who might be especially susceptible to undue influence by means of compensation in order to participate in a study[REM4]. Ethical Codes In order to properly discuss the ethics of incentives in HSR, it is imperative to also determine a set of ethical codes by which the issue of incentives can be judged. One of the most well known frameworks for medical ethics was the Belmont Report, drafted in 1979.[2] While there exist many other criteria for ethical research, such as the 7 Requirements posed by Emanuel et al[3], the Belmont Report is still considered to be one of the most widely known and widely cited works of ethical research involving human subjects. In the Report, there are three key ethical principles pertaining to human research: those of beneficence, respect for persons, and justice. Briefly, beneficence is the ethical duty to provide some sort of benefit to research subjects; in other words, this concept implies that the research in question minimizes risks and maximizes potential benefits to participants. Next, respect for persons is closely related to the principle of autonomy, and implies the right of the subject to be left alone[REM5]. Thus, the principle of ‘respect for persons’ is crucial when considering the voluntariness of an individual to consent to or refrain from participating in a study. Lastly, the principle of justice refers to the right of the individual and populations to be selected fairly for research, allowing all populations equal access to the benefits of research as well as ensuring that vulnerable populations are not being unfairly targeted. In presenting arguments about the ethics of human subjects research, we will therefore use the 3 main ethical principles of the Belmont Report to examine incentives for both vulnerable and non-vulnerable populations. Incentives in Non-Vulnerable Populations With respect to incentives in a hypothetical non-vulnerable population, we will examine whether there are any conflicts with the aforementioned ethical codes. Of course, the definition of a non-vulnerable population is a subjective one, as most human interactions have some level of a power differential between the participants; thus there are very few situations in research where a subject is completely non-vulnerable and not subject to some form of a power dichotomy[REM6] When considering the principle of beneficience, there is little violation of this code with regards to incentives in human subjects research, if the research has been deemed to have a reasonable risk: benefit ratio. With a non-vulnerable and competent consenting subject participating in research that has been IRB-approved and appropriate, there is no real ethical quandary between incentives and beneficience[REM7]. Next, we consider respect for persons, or autonomy. In a population where power-differentials have been minimized, the patients should have no effect on their free will to choose whether or not to participate in a study[REM8]. Thus, a fair and appropriate incentive would not make them go against their own best judgment to participate in the study, since this latter point would be considered a form of coercion or undue influence. For example, I propose this hypothetical situation: if there were a study that required a number of blood draws and the incentives in this case were monetary, then targeting a population that is financially stable would likely not significantly affect their autonomy; they should be able to weigh the risk and benefits and decide to participate based purely on their own best judgment. However, this situation might be very different when primarily targeting a low income population, where the subjects might have major qualms about needles or getting their blood d rawn, but would feel forced[REM9] to agree to participate due to their need for financial resources. Finally, we consider the juxtaposition of the ethical principle of justice and incentives in non-vulnerable populations. Once again, as with the beneficience, there are really no ethical quandaries in this situation, as there should be fair and equal subject selection with no large variations in access too research. It is only when dealing with vulnerable or â€Å"difficult to reach† populations (i.e., underserved minorities, prisoners, children, people of low socioeconomic status) that there might be issues with the concepts of justice and compensation. Thus, it is clear that when considering non-vulnerable populations, there are no real issues with using incentives to promote participation in approved human subjects research[REM10]. The real ethical quandaries arise when there are major differences in power, status, or ability to make autonomous decisions. Incentives in Vulnerable Populations We will now revisit our familiar ethical codes and discuss them in a different light, focusing on vulnerable populations and using specific historical examples when applicable. In the case of beneficience, it is mostly the job of the research team and governing boards to minimize risk and maximize benefit; thus the use of incentives does not really enter into play here. The only situation in which incentives might alter the researcher’s concept of beneficience, is if, for example, there was a study with a high risk and variable benefit, but the compensation was also comparably large; in this situation, the research team could therefore argue that it is up to the participants to decide the level of risk they are willing to take in exchange for a gain[REM11]. Respect for persons goes hand in hand with autonomy and voluntariness, and it is possibly the most difficult ethical principle to reconcile with incentives in vulnerable populations. In class, there are a few scenarios where incentives to vulnerable populations have resulted in abuse of certain research participants. For example, there was the instance of the US Public Health Service Guatemala STD study, where prisoners (a vulnerable population) were incentivized with prostitutes to participate in a study assessing syphilis and gonorrhea transmission; while this study also had major problems with the informed consent process, it also brings to light the issue that in certain populations such as prisoners, almost all incentives (sexual favors, better rooms, etc) can be considered undue influence because of the significant power between[REM12] the incarcerated participants and researchers. There is another famous example of the Willowbrook School, where parents were encouraged to enrol l their mentally retarded children into a hepatitis research project in exchange for admission into a highly competitive residential facility for the children. In this case, the vulnerable populations were both the children who were often too young and mentally incompetent to make autonomous decisions, and the desperate parents who were subject to the undue influence of admission to the facility to make a decision that might have gone against their better judgment. On the other hand, it is important to remember that, for some research participants, the various incentives gained from research are an invaluable source of income and other benefits. A fellow third year medical student is currently conducting HIV- research in the Dominican Republic, and her population of interest is sex workers; for these workers, the only way to incentivize them to participate in this research is to reimburse them for their time, and it is also an opportunity to provide valuable antiretroviral medication and education[REM13]. Additionally, there is a lot of important medical and epidemiological knowledge to be gained from HSR, which often justifies the use of incentives to boost enrollment in studies, even in vulnerable populations. Thus, in these various situations, it is crucial for the researcher to respect and understand the values and beliefs of the populations they are enrolling and studying. The research team must be sensitive and aware that some incentives may be simply too good to refuse for certain vulnerable populations, and that these people might be acting against their better judgment to participate in research. This sensitivity may require the team to abstain from offering lucrative and tempting offers to vulnerable participants in high-risk and low-reward research settings, even though the enrollment potential of the study may be therefore limited[REM14]. The last principle left to discuss in the context of vulnerable populations is that of justice, especially in the context of fairness in the subject selection. In this case, the populations that are most likely to be affected are either the poor sector, or ethnic minorities. This is due to the fact that people of a low socioeconomic status are sometimes more likely to be targeted and exploited for research participations, due to a potentially lower cost of incentives for certain studies. The converse can also be true when testing out advanced medical innovations where people who are of a lower socioeconomic status or have less access to medical care might not initially be recruited to the benefits of such a study. Another interesting issue that has arisen due to the US history of mistreatment of certain minorities (most notably African-Americans in the Tuskegee syphilis experiments) is that there is a certain level of mistrust among minority populations towards human subjects researc h.[4] However, in order to adhere to the principle of justice, there must be fairness in subject selections as well as equal access to the benefits of research. Due to misdeeds of the past, these seeds of mistrust can prevent certain groups from participating in research, and one of the easier solutions is to offer greater compensation in order to elicit participation. This practice is not fair, since some subjects are receiving greater compensation in order to convince them to participate in studies, and this can blur the ethical lines of both respect for persons as well as justice. This is a yet unresolved issue; on the one hand, we need subjects of different races and ethnicities to participate, but it is not fair to compensate certain subjects differently as compared to others. The greater issue here is to heal the rift and historical mistrust that has developed over years of mistreatment of certain populations, and to treat all participants with maximal respect when enrolling f or studies[REM15]. In conclusion, there are no easy answers when it comes to determining the ethics of incentives. The most important point to consider is that each individual has different sets of values, beliefs, and backgrounds, and it is up to the research team to be diligent about informed consent, autonomy, and education. If researchers are sensitive to the financial, socioeconomic, and various hierarchical power differentials that they may encounter in the process of enrolling patients in studies, then there can be a more open and honest discussion with the participants about the risks and benefits of participating in research, even when there are incentives offered. In this way, we can make sure that our patients are not being coerced into participating in HSR, but are able to contribute to society in a meaningful way that does not conflict with their inner ideals[REM16]. [1] Concise Oxford English Dictionary.Concise Oxford English Dictionary. Ed. Angus Stevenson and Maurice Vaite. N.p.: Oxford UP, 2011. 1575.Google Books. Web. 16 Apr. 2015. [2] The National Commission for the Protection of Human Subjects of Biomedical and Behavioral Research.The Belmont Report: Ethical Principles and Guidelines for the Protection of Human Subjects of Research. Rep. N.p.: n.p., 1979.US Department of Health and Human Services. Web. 17 Apr. 2015 [3] Emanuel, E. J., D. Wendler, and C. Grady. What Makes Clinical Research Ethical?JAMA283.20 (2000): 2701-711.JAMA Network. Web. 17 Apr. 2015. [4] Grant, R. W., and J. Sugarman. Ethics in Human Subjects Research: Do Incentives Matter?Journal of Medicine and Philosophy26.9 (2004): 717-38. Web. [REM1]I’m not sure it’s uncharted. There’s been lots of discussion, but there isn’t a clear consensus. So perhaps â€Å"uncertain territory† fits better. [REM2]It’s fussy, but it’s not the ethics (those are more constant), but rather the issues related to compensation that often boil down to the patient population. [REM3]Critical – what makes it â€Å"undue† – let’s see†¦ [REM4]I hope you pick up that in many cases the influencing factors in cases of vulnerable subjects are meant to induce the signatory agent, who may not be the research subject. Separate influencing the subject and influencing the decision maker. [REM5]Much more than that – it’s the right of the individual to control their own life, to make the decisions that matter to how their life will proceed. [REM6]Maybe â€Å"hierarchy† would be better. â€Å"Dichotomy† implies a binary split – it’s correct, but less flexible. [REM7]This notion seems abstractly reasonable, but might there be some dispute as what represents the best interest of the patient/subject? Does trying to sway someone from one beneficial study to another constitute influencing, perhaps undue? [REM8]I think you could state this more clearly. [REM9]Forced? Or desirous of participating in order to achieve the financial gains? [REM10]Hmm – how would you feel if I offered you $15,000 to participate in research? I don’t consider you vulnerable, but would this make you willing to accept risks that you otherwise might not? [REM11]A classic is bribing parents to â€Å"buy† child research subjects. Diapers work well†¦. The worry is that even with beneficent research, there may be choices, and the vulnerable subject may not be able to navigate the choices well. Beneficence in-and-of-itself is not sufficient to decrease the worry related to undue influence. [REM12]Power differential between [REM13]That’s a great case! You can see the potential of the incentives for good but for those who think the decision to participate in research should be independent of anything other than the intrinsic value of the research, it’s undue inducement (a point with which I do not agree) [REM14]You’ve made a decision that’s different than the purists I described in the last comment would favor. [REM15]Demonstrating that truly achieving justice can be a complicated matter. [REM16]Conceptually, you were on the right track, but your discussion isn’t very nuanced.

Translating Metaphores in the Catcher in the Rye

TRANSLATING COLLOQUIAL IDIOMS/METAPHORS IN THE CATCHER IN THE RYE: A COMPARISON OF METAPHORICAL MEANING RETENTION IN THE SPANISH AND CATALAN TEXTS MICHAEL O’MARA Catholic University of Valencia San Vicente Martir Michael. [email  protected] es 57 In spite of the novel's position among the American Library Association's list of the one hundred most frequently censored books, The Catcher in the Rye (1951), by J. D. Salinger, is widely considered to be one of the most significant literary works of the twentieth century, frequently found in high school literary curricula throughout Europe and North America.The controversy concerns its alleged profanity, vulgar language and treatment of sexual themes, elements that typify Holden's use of the English language, or his idiolect. Idiolect refers to individual speech. It is based on grammar, word selection, phrases, idioms, and includes pronunciation. Of particular note is the author’s use of italics to denote emphasis, or wher e accents fall when considering rhythm in, and among, certain words. It is possible that this practice was brought almost to perfection in The Catcher in the Rye, in replicating speech patterns in written language.Quite possibly, it has not been matched since. The author’s ability to capture rhythm and colloquial speech is, indeed, quite remarkable. This is especially obvious for readers who are fluent in, or are native speakers of American English. Consider how the author stresses groups of words: â€Å"Wuddaya mean so what? † (p. 41) â€Å"You don't do one damn thing the way you're supposed to† (p. 41) â€Å"She was blocking up the whole goddam traffic in the aisle† (p. 87) miscelanea: a journal of english and american studies 35 (2007): pp. 57-75 ISSN: 1137-6368 Michael O’MaraOther times, certain words are stressed: â€Å"What the hellja do that for? † (p. 41) â€Å"Well, don't get sore about it†¦ † (p. 82) â€Å"Which is som ething that gives me a royal pain in the ass. I mean if somebody yawns right while they’re asking you to do them a goddam favor† (p. 28) Finally, and perhaps most characteristic, the author stresses parts of words: â€Å"I mean I’m not going to be a goddam surgeon or a violinist or anything anyway† (p. 39) â€Å"It's not paradise or anything†¦ † (p. 55) â€Å"For Chrissake, Holden. This is about a goddam baseball glove† (p. 1) 58 Preserving the uniqueness of Holden Caulfield's idiolect has been a challenge for translators seeking to preserve the effect and the flavor of the discourse using the techniques that Salinger originally used, namely, stream of consciousness and dramatic monologue in which, directly and intimately, Holden tells his story in retrospect to the readers. This technique has the effect of reproducing the inner workings and thought processes of Holden —disjointed and random— and also provides dialogs that are remarkably fluid and natural.To represent Holden and his frustrations using the same register in another language is a daunting chore, indeed, especially since Holden attaches his own meanings to the language that he uses. Costello1 reminds us that Holden appropriates common expressions from his period and makes them his own. For example, his free and loose use of â€Å"and all† to end thoughts along with the affirmative â€Å"I really did† or â€Å"It really was† are repeated throughout the novel, helping to forge Holden's own distinct personality.Other authors have commented upon the importance of Holden’s speech in defining his character in relation to the readers: â€Å"†¦ his language, his own idiolect, full of idioms and colloquialisms, is the main feature that will contribute to Holden’s development as a character in his transition from adolescence to adulthood and his relationship with the reader†2. Although translating Hold en's idioms may present challenges, it may be one of the most important aspects of preserving the flavor of his idiolect and effect it has on readers.Holden Caulfield's idioms Like other languages, English is full of idioms such as â€Å"to break a leg† and â€Å"to pull someone's leg†. An idiom is a form of expression, grammatical construction, phrase, etc. , peculiar to a language; a peculiarity of phraseology approved by the usage of a language, and often having a signification other than its grammatical or logical one. 3 miscelanea: a journal of english and american studies 35 (2007): pp. 57-75 ISSN: 1137-6368 Translating colloquial idioms/metaphors in The Catcher in the Rye Idioms generally have three characteristics: 1.Their meaning cannot be deduced from their components or any arrangement thereof, and must be learned as a whole. If one were to interpret ‘to break a leg’ solely on the basis of its components it might be very difficult to realize tha t the actual meaning is positive, meaning to have a good time, not incur injury, especially when used in the imperative. Likewise, nowhere in the expression ‘to pull someone’s leg’ there appears any element that would suggest joking, or specifically, having someone believe things that are not true. 2. None of their constituents may be substituted with words of similar meaning.For example, if one were to substitute the word ‘fracture’ for ‘break’ in to ‘break a leg’, the meaning would be lost. Likewise, upon being the object of joking one could not say that he or she had had his or her leg ‘stretched’. 3. Finally, idioms cannot be syntactically modified. One would probably not be understood if one were to say ‘I had my leg broken’ meaning ‘I had a good time’; it would be similarly confusing to say ‘I had my leg pulled yesterday’ if one were to communicate that they were joke d with yesterday. Without any contextual information a learner of English might have little idea what these expressions mean.Clearly, the meaning in these phrases is figurative, or â€Å"expressing one thing in terms normally denoting another†4 and metaphorical where â€Å"a figure of speech in which a word or phrase denoting one kind of object or idea is used in place of another to suggest a similarity between them (as in the ship plows to sea)†. 5 For this reason, the idioms in question found in the book could be referred to as colloquial metaphors6 as some authors prefer: metaphors for the aforementioned semantic arguments and colloquial because they are metaphors which exist in the more informal registers, in this case, slang.But the term ‘colloquial idiom’ seems to be preferable in most research contexts7. For this reason I will refer to them as colloquial idioms/metaphors. This study focuses primarily on the pragmatic purpose of these metaphors since it is the idiolect of Holden Caulfield that is to be examined in its aesthetic effect and ‘flavor’. Therefore, not all metaphors found in Holden's idiolect were chosen. In fact, some metaphors are so common that it has been forgotten that they are metaphors, having been accepted into standard use.Such is the case with the great majority of phrasal verbs in English: ‘get up’, ‘get over’, etc. Also, there are many examples of colloquial word combinations repeated with some frequency in the novel, but they have not been included in the study as their metaphorical qualities are more abstract8 and might rather, and more appropriately, be studied as collocations, or words that are found to occur together, to examine their restrictions of usage in relation to other components (prepositions, verbs, etc. . Here are some examples that use the word ‘hell’: miscelanea: a journal of english and american studies 35 (2007): pp. 57-75 ISSN: 1137- 6368 59 Michael O’Mara hell of it as hell The hell out to bang hell (as a noun) The hell with it in hell 29, 61, 73,210 34,35, 37, 38, 94, 113 52, 179 53, 115, 69 146 TABLE 1: Common word combinations not included in the study and their page numbers Theoretical framework We are in agreement with Lorenzo, M. et al. in that the first step a translator must take is to clearly define his objective before producing a translation which is as true as possible to the original text. One of the aspects of Hans Vermeer’s concept of skopos (1989:227) is the establishment of a clearly defined objective or purpose for translation: Any form of translational action, including therefore translation itself, may be conceived as an action, as the name implies. Any action has an aim, a purpose. The word skopos, then, is a technical term for the aim or purpose of translation. 0 This said, we are in agreement with Lorenzo et. al (1999: 324) in the transators’ role to â€Å"preserve t he purpose of the ST (source text) without any gratuitous alteration. The main objective of any translation should be that of faithfulness to the original text with close attention to coherence. With this objective in mind, any translation of The Catcher in the Rye must consider the possible purposes the author had in using colloquial idioms/metaphors in the first place.Paul Newmark proposes that there are two purposes that metaphors serve: a referential purpose, which describes â€Å"a mental process or state, a concept, a person, an object, a quality or an action more comprehensively and concisely than is possible in literal or physical language†9 and a pragmatic purpose â€Å"which is simultaneous, is to appeal to the senses, to interest, to clarify â€Å"graphically†, to please, to delight, to surprise. The first purpose is cognitive, the second aesthetic. 10 Although Holden's colloquial metaphors/idioms do have referential significance, it is arguable that much o f their significance in forming an integral part of his idiolect derives from their pragmatic or aesthetic purpose, their contribution to the flavor of Holden's discourse. Any translation of The Catcher in the Rye would have to be sensitive to the effect that they produce on readers, and try to produce the same effect in the miscelanea: a journal of english and american studies 35 (2007): pp. 7-75 ISSN: 1137-6368 Translating colloquial idioms/metaphors in The Catcher in the Rye translation (Nida's Equivalent Effect). This would entail, whenever possible, locating in the target language a metaphor used in informal registers whose semantic content overlaps as closely as possible the meanings of the original metaphor. This would require a parallelism between form and meaning or a principle of identity as Lorenzo et al. (1999) describe where: †¦ ny element in the ST [source text] should be translated and translatable into the TT [target text] by paying close attention not only to t he content but also to the form. Accordingly, there should be a close structural and meaningful parallelism (=identity) between the source and the target language. The translator, then, should stick to the ST itself as the only base for the process of translation. The TT, therefore, will be the result of a close analysis of the ST by following the identity principle and an attempt at further interpretation or deviation should be discarded. 1 For the sake of simplicity in this research, I will be using Lopez’s (1997) definition12 of lexicalized structures with a slight modification: her definition encompasses idioms and cliches which can be understood in a broader sense as ‘word combinations’, ‘fixed expressions’ and ‘phrasal lexemes’. Although they are distinctive elements in the idiolect of Holden as well, I propose to exclude routine formulae (you could tell, if you know what I mean) and non-canonical expressions, understood by Lyons ( 1968: 178) in Lopez as ‘schemata’ (How about†¦? , to focus the research specifically on Holden's colloquial idioms/metaphors and the methods that were used in their translation. These will be described according to Lopez’s model13, which was derived in part from Baker (1992), who describes four principal methods: literal translation, translation by equivalence, translation by modification and translation by omission. Literal translation involves the use of a lexical structure in the target language that is similar in form and meaning. These correspondences are rarer, but they do occur. For example when Holden says â€Å"I damn near dropped dead† (p. 1) the colloquial idiom/metaphor â€Å"to drop dead† is translated using the literal translation method as there exists a correspondence in form and meaning in both Spanish â€Å"Casi me caigo muerto† (p. 46), and Catalan â€Å"Va anar de poc que no caigues a terra mort† (p. 51). Trans lation by equivalence is a method that is often employed when there is no complete correspondence between structure and form between the source and target language. It involves the use of another lexical structure in the target language that is similar in meaning but different in form. â€Å"I wouldn’t have the guts to do it† (p. 9) is translated into Spanish as â€Å"no habria tenido agallas para hacerlo† (p. 116) and into Catalan as â€Å"no tindria pebrots de fer-ho† (144). The structures themselves are practically identical; the difference resides in the fact that while the noun ‘guts’ can express courage idiomatically in English, the same is not true in miscelanea: a journal of english and american studies 35 (2007): pp. 57-75 ISSN: 1137-6368 61 Michael O’Mara 62 Spanish or in Catalan and is realized by different nouns, namely, ‘agallas’, literally ‘gills’ or ‘tonsils’ in Spanish and ‘p ebrots’, or literally, ‘peppers’ in Catalan.Translation by modification involves paraphrasing or explaining the metaphorical meaning of a lexicalized structure. The result is the loss of figurative meaning; the idea is no longer expressed in metaphorical terms. This method is usually employed when no equivalent or near equivalent structure can be found in the target language. Baker argues that this technique is also used when â€Å"it seems inappropriate to use idiomatic language in the target text because of differences in stylistic preferences of the source and target languages†. 14 For example, â€Å"Old Stradlater was one of his pets†¦ (p. 43) is translated in Spanish as â€Å"Stradlater era uno de sus favoritos†¦ † (p. 60) and Catalan as â€Å"L'Stradlater era un dels seus preferits†¦ † (p. 71). In English ‘pet’ has the following meanings: â€Å"1: a domesticated animal kept for pleasure rather than utility; 2a: a pampered and usually spoiled child; b: a person who is treated with unusual kindness or consideration: darling†. 15 The meanings of this word in Spanish (animal domestico† or â€Å"mascota†) and in Catalan (â€Å"animal domestic†) are not usually extended to describe people who are treated with â€Å"kindness and consideration†.Here, a similar metaphor in meaning but not in form could be used, or, as is the case in this example, the metaphor might be paraphrased or explained. The last method, omission, is used when a metaphor in the source language is not translated since an equivalent cannot be found, or because it is not easy to explain, or for stylistic reasons is not deemed appropriate for inclusion. This last method introduces some interesting concerns: it is quite possible that there is no similar structure in the target language to explain the paraphrasing of a metaphor, but if such similar or equivalentt structures were to exist, there ight be other elements within the greater cultural context of the target language (elements absent in the greater cultural context of the source language) that could impact the appropriateness of their use. Perhaps, what should be considered is whether the possible connotations that the metaphor could have or produce outside its culture of origin might distract the reader from the original field of reference of the metaphor, or introduce secondary meanings that are not necessarily present in the circumstances of the original metaphor. miscelanea: a journal of english and american studies 35 (2007): pp. 7-75 ISSN: 1137-6368 Translating colloquial idioms/metaphors in The Catcher in the Rye Source text colloquial metaphors and their target text representations: Description METAPHOR ST (P. ) 1 †¦ I got pretty run-down†¦ (1) SPANISH TT (P. ) †¦ me quedara bastante hecho polvo†¦ (9) Equivalence 2 It killed me. (2) Me dejo sin habla. (10) Equivalence 3 Strictly for the birds. (2) Bobadas. (10) Modification 4 So I got the ax. They give guys the ax quite frequently at Pencey. (4) Asi que me expulsaron. En Pencey expulsan a los chicos con mucha frecuencia. (12) Modification 5 I have no wind,†¦ (5) No tengo nada de fuelle†¦ 13) Equivalence 6 They got a bang out of things,†¦ (6) Pero se lo pasaban bomba con sus cosas,†¦ (16) Equivalence 7 †¦ though – in a half-assed way, of course. (6) †¦ un poco a lo tonto, claro. (16) Equivalence 8 It gets on your nerves sometimes (7) A veces te ponia nervioso. (17) Modification16 9 That knocked him out. (8) Se hizo una gracia tremenda. (17) Equivalence 10 I mean he didn't hit the ceiling or anything. (8) Vamos, que no se puso como una fiera ni nada. (18) Equivalence CATALAN TT (P. ) †¦ d'acabar ben desinflat†¦ (7) Equivalence En va deixar de pedra. (8) Equivalence Sense comentaris. 8) Modification O sigui que em van fotre al carrer. Foten la gent al carrer ben sovint, a Pencey. (11) Equivalence 63 No aguanto gens†¦ (13) Modification S'ho passaven be,†¦ (15) Modification †¦ pero a mig gas, es clar. (15) Equivalence A vegades et posava nervios. (16) Modification Aixo el va fer petar de riure. (17) Equivalence Vull dir que no va pujar per les parets ni res d'aixo. (18) Literal miscelanea: a journal of english and american studies 35 (2007): pp. 57-75 ISSN: 1137-6368 Michael O’Mara METAPHOR ST (P. ) 11 So I shot the bull for a while (12) SPANISH TT (P. ) †¦ asi que me enrolle un buen rato. 23) Modification CATALAN TT (P. ) Aixi que vaig xerrar una estona. (24) Modification Es ficaven pel coi de finestra i tot. (24) Literal Aquesta historia em va deixar ben de pedra. (32) Equivalence †¦ i llegeixo molts llibres de guerra i de misteri i etcetera, pero no m'entusiasmen gaire. (33) Modification â€Å"Suare sang†¦ † (47) Equivalence †¦ m'ho passo de por imitant-les. (49) Equivalence No aguanto res de res. ( 49) Modification 12 They were coming in the goddam window. (13) Los habia a patadas. (24) Equivalence 13 That story just about killed me. (18) Esa historia por poco me deja sin habla. (31) Equivalence 4 †¦ and I read a lot of war books and mysteries and all, but they don't knock me out too much. (18) †¦ y leo un monton de libros de guerra y de misterio y todo eso, pero no me vuelven loco. (31) Equivalence 15 64 â€Å"†¦ I'll be up the creek†¦ † (28) â€Å"†¦ me la cargo†¦ † (43) Equivalence 16 I get a bang imitating them. (29) †¦ lo paso bomba imitando a†¦ (44) Equivalence 17 I have hardly any wind at all (29) Tengo muy poco fuelle. (44) Equivalence 18 I damn near dropped dead. (31) Casi me caigo muerto. (46) Va anar de poc que no caigues a terra mort. (51) Literal Literal I no ho deien nomes per dir. 63) Modification El feia tornar boig†¦ (69) Equivalence L'Stradlater era un dels seus preferits†¦ (71) Modification 19 A nd they weren't just shooting the crap. (38) Y no lo decian por decir. (54) Modification 20 It drove him crazy†¦ (41) Le sacaba de quicio†¦ (59) Equivalence 21 Old Stradlater was one of his pets†¦ (43) Stradlater era uno de sus favoritos†¦ (60) Modification miscelanea: a journal of english and american studies 35 (2007): pp. 57-75 ISSN: 1137-6368 Translating colloquial idioms/metaphors in The Catcher in the Rye METAPHOR ST (P. ) 22 I'd been given the ax†¦ (51) SPANISH TT (P. ) †¦ e habian expulsado†¦ (71) Modification CATALAN TT (P. ) †¦ m'havien fotut fora†¦ (85) Equivalence †¦ i jo estava aqui, expulsat una altra vegada. (85) Modification No hi toca gaire†¦ (86) Equivalence Aixo em va deixar clavat. (91) Equivalence Aixo em va matar. (91) Literal Despres vaig comencar a deixar anar la llengua de debo. (92) Equivalence †¦ i vaig poder descansar la llengua. De totes , maneres no em sap greu haver-la fet anar una estona. (93 ) Equivalence †¦ despres del que li vaig deixar anar†¦ (94) Equivalence Que n'era una de ben grossa†¦ (95) Equivalence Tenia ganes de trucar algu. 97) Modification Despres vaig pensar de trucar a la mare de Jane Gallagher†¦ (97) 65 23 -and here I was getting the ax again. (52) †¦ mientras me estaban expulsando otra vez. (71) Modification 24 She doesn't have all her marbles any more†¦ (52) Esta un poco ida†¦ (72) Equivalence 25 That killed me. (55) Me dejo sin habla. (76) Equivalence 26 That killed me. (55) Me dejo sin habla. (76) Equivalence 27 Then I really started chucking the old crap around (56) Entonces fue cuando de verdad empece a meter bolas. (77) Equivalence 28 †¦ and it gave me a chance to quit shooting it. I'm glad I shot it for a while, though. (57) .. me dio la oportunidad de dejar de largar. Pero me alegre de haber largado un rato. (78) Equivalence 29 †¦ after all the crap I shot, (57) †¦ despues de todo el rollo que le largue†¦ (78) Equivalence 30 Which was really a hot one†¦ (58) Esa si que era buena†¦ (80) Modification 31 I felt like giving somebody a buzz. (59) Tenia ganas de llamar a alguien. (81) Modification 32 Then I thought of giving Jane Gallagher's mother a buzz,†¦ (59) Luego pense en llamar a la madre de Jane Gallagher†¦ (81) miscelanea: a journal of english and american studies 35 (2007): pp. 57-75 ISSN: 1137-6368 Michael O’Mara METAPHOR ST (P. SPANISH TT (P. ) Modification CATALAN TT (P. ) Modification †¦ no hi hauries de fer el ximple†¦ (102) Equivalence Vaig passar-me tota la nit festejant amb una hipocrita terrible†¦ (103) Equivalence †¦ vaig comencar a jugar amb la idea de trucar a la Jane,†¦ (103) Modification 33 †¦ you shouldn't horse around with her at all,†¦ (62) †¦ no deberias hacer el indio con ella†¦ (85) Equivalence 34 I spent the whole night necking with a terrible phony†¦ (63) Me pase toda la noche besandome y todo eso con una chica falsisima†¦ (85) Modification 35 I started toying with the idea,†¦ , of giving old Jane a buzz†¦ 63) †¦ empece a jugar con la idea de llamar a Jane,†¦ (86) Modification 36 Anyway, I went over to the phone and gave her a buzz. (63) Bueno, pues fui al telefono Es igual, vaig agafar el y la llame. (86) telefon i li vaig trucar. (104) Modification Modification †¦ , va anar de ben poc que no truco a la Phoebe,†¦ (110) Modification Pero no podia arriscar-me a fer-li una trucada,†¦ (110) Equivalence †¦ no m'hauria fet res xerrar una estona amb la Phoebe. (110) Modification †¦ L'Allie tenia en barco de vela i li agradava jugar-hi†¦ (112) Modification Sabia que no el deixaria anar gaire lluny amb ella†¦ 130) Modification 66 37 †¦ I damn near gave my kid sister Phoebe a buzz,†¦ (66) †¦ estuve casi a punto de llamar a mi hermana Phoebe. (90) Modification 38 But I couldn't tak e a chance on giving her a buzz,†¦ (66) Pero no podia arriesgarme a llamarla†¦ (90) Modification 39 †¦ I certainly wouldn't have minded shooting the crap†¦ (67) Pero no me habria importado pegar la hebra†¦ (90) Equivalence 40 Allie had this sailboat he used to like to fool around with†¦ (68) Allie tenia un barquito de vela con el que le gustaba jugar†¦ (92) Modification 41 I knew she wouldn't let him get to first base with her,†¦ 80) Sabia que no le habria dejado llegar hasta el final con ella†¦ (105)17 Modification miscelanea: a journal of english and american studies 35 (2007): pp. 57-75 ISSN: 1137-6368 Translating colloquial idioms/metaphors in The Catcher in the Rye METAPHOR ST (P. ) 42 †¦ and a lot of other very tricky stuff that gives me a pain in the ass. (84) SPANISH TT (P. ) †¦ y un monton de florituras de esas que me dan cien patadas. (110) Equivalence CATALAN TT (P. ) †¦ i tota una altra pila de filigranes que em fan venir mal d'estomac. (137) Equivalence Soc un d'aquells tios forca gallines. (143) Equivalence †¦ no tindria pebrots de fer-ho. 144) Equivalence No es pas gens divertit ser gallina. Potser no soc gallina del tot. No ho se. Em sembla que potser soc nomes una mica gallina†¦ soc una mica gallina†¦ El que no s'hauria de ser es gallina. (145) Equivalence Es ser gallina d'una manera molt curiosa†¦ pero es ser gallina, i tant. (146) Equivalence Ell va quedar ben torrat†¦ (146) Equivalence Tens ganes de sucar aquesta nit? (147) Equivalence †¦ no m'havia de mudar ni res per una prostituta†¦ (149) Equivalence Quan fa una estona que les petoneges,†¦ (150) Modification 43 I'm one of these very yellow guys (88) Soy un tio de lo mas cobarde. 115) Modification 44 I wouldn't have the guts to do it. (89) †¦ no habria tenido agallas para hacerlo. (116) Equivalence 45 It's no fun to be yellow. Maybe I'm not all yellow. I don't know. I think maybe I'm j ust partly yellow†¦ I'm partly yellow†¦ what you should be is not yellow at all. (89) No tiene gracia ser cobarde. Aunque quiza no sea cobarde del todo. No se. Creo que en parte soy cobarde†¦ en parte cobarde†¦ No se debe ser cobarde en absoluto; (117) Modification 67 46 It's a funny kind of yellowness†¦ but it's yellowness, all right (90) †¦ es un tipo de cobardia bastante raro, pero aun asi es cobardia. 117) Modification 47 He got stinking,†¦ (90) El acabo curda perdido†¦ (118) Equivalence 48 Innarested in a little tail t'night? (91) ?Te interesa echar un polvo esta noche? (118) Equivalence 49 I know I didn't have to get all dolled up for a prostitute or anything†¦ (91) †¦ no tenia que ponerme de punto en blanco ni nada de eso para una prostituta†¦ (119) Equivalence 50 After you neck them for a while,†¦ (92) Despues de que te has besado y achuchado y todo eso con ellas,†¦ (120) Modification miscelanea: a journal of e nglish and american studies 35 (2007): pp. 57-75 ISSN: 1137-6368 Michael O’Mara METAPHOR ST (P. 51 When I'm horsing around with a girl†¦ (93) SPANISH TT (P. ) †¦ cuando estoy enrollandome con una chica†¦ (121) Equivalence CATALAN TT (P. ) †¦ quan estic amb una tia†¦ (151) Equivalence Vaig pensar de trucar a la Jane,†¦ (169) Modification †¦ si no ens haguessim petonejat tant i tant. (170) Modification †¦ la persona que estic petonejant†¦ (170) Modification Em tocava molt l'oremus†¦ (171) Equivalence †¦ m'havien tornat a fotre fora. (173) Equivalence †¦ faria una trucada a la Jane†¦ (186) Equivalence Podia agafar alguna cosa ben jazzy†¦ i xiular-ho tan facil i be†¦ que et podia deixar de pedra. 198) Equivalence Vam fer una mica de comedia al taxi. (200) Equivalence Ets pitjor que un gra al cul†¦ (212) Literal 52 I thought of giving old Jabe a buzz,†¦ (105) Pense en llamar a Jane†¦ (136) Mo dification 53 †¦ if we hadn't necked so damn much. (105) †¦ si no nos hubieramos besado y achuchado tanto. (137) Modification 54 †¦ whoever I'm necking†¦ (105) †¦ la persona con la que me estoy besando y todo eso†¦ (137) Modification 68 55 She gave me a pain in the ass†¦ (106) Me caia como una patada en el culo†¦ (138) Literal 56 I got the ax again (107) †¦ me habian expulsado otra vez. (139) Modification 7 †¦ I'd give old Jane a buzz†¦ (116) †¦ podia llamar a Jane†¦ (149) Modification 58 He could take something very jazzy†¦ and whistle it so nice†¦ it could kill you. (124) Podia coger una cancion muy de jazz†¦ y la silbaba tan bien y tan suavecito†¦ que te podias morir. (158) Literal 59 We horsed around a little bit in the cab†¦ (125) En el taxi†¦ nos besamos y nos achuchamos un poco. (159) Modification 60 You give me a royal pain in the ass†¦ (133) †¦ me caes peor que una patad a en el culo. (169) Literal miscelanea: a journal of english and american studies 35 (2007): pp. 57-75 ISSN: 1137-6368Translating colloquial idioms/metaphors in The Catcher in the Rye METAPHOR ST (P. ) 61 Boy, did she hit the ceiling when I said that. (133) SPANISH TT (P. ) Jo, como se puso cuando le dije aquello. (169) Equivalence CATALAN TT (P. ) Hosti, si va tocar el sostre quan vaig dir aixo. (212) Literal Ho vaig anar tallant gradualment. (225). Equivalence †¦ els hipocrites hi entren per les finestres. (225) Literal Nomes feia comedia, jo. (229) Equivalence Me n'he d'anar†¦ (235) Modification Era estrictament pitjor que un gra al cul†¦ (236) Literal †¦ va fotre el camp de la sala†¦ (237) Equivalence Nomes feia comedia, es clar. 243) Equivalence †¦ i xerraria una estona amb ella. (248) Modification †¦ la Phoebe sempre porta algun vestit que et deixa de pedra. (253) Equivalence Els quaderns dels nanos fan pixar de riure. (255) Equivalence Anava torrat†¦ (259) 69 62 I gradually cut it out. (141) Deje de ir poco a poco. (179) Modification 63 †¦ the phonies are coming in the window. (141) †¦ hay tios falsos a patadas. (179) Equivalence 64 I was only horsing around. (144) Solo estaba haciendo el indio. (182) Equivalence 65 I have to tear†¦ (148) Tengo que largarme†¦ (187) Modification 66 He was strictly a pain in the ass†¦ (149)Era igualito que una patada en el culo†¦ (187) Literal 67 †¦ she beat it out of the room†¦ (149) †¦ se largo†¦ (188) Modification 68 I was only horsing around†¦ (153) †¦ solo estaba haciendo el indio†¦ (192) Equivalence 69 †¦ just sort of chew the fat with her for a while. (156) †¦ pegar la hebra un rato con ella. (196) Equivalence 70 Phoebe always has some dress on that can kill you. (160) Phoebe lleva siempre unos vestidos que te dejan sin habla. (200) Equivalence 71 Kids’ notebooks kill me. (161) Los cuadernos de los crios me dejan sin habla. (202) Equivalence 72 I was plastered (163) Estaba curda (204) iscelanea: a journal of english and american studies 35 (2007): pp. 57-75 ISSN: 1137-6368 Michael O’Mara METAPHOR ST (P. ) SPANISH TT (P. ) Equivalence CATALAN TT (P. ) Equivalence Em va deixar de pedra. (259) Equivalence Volia dir per que m'havien fotut al carrer un altre cop. (264) Equivalence Em feia pixar de riure. (276) Equivalence Nomes fem una mica de comedia a dins de casa. (277) Equivalence Aixo em fa molta gracia. (277) Equivalence †¦ li trucaria,†¦ (283) Modification †¦ anava una mica alegre. (287) Equivalence †¦ et posa nervios†¦ (287) Modification †¦ anava forca alegre. (296) Equivalence Segurament li trucare†¦ 300) Modification †¦ pero la Phoebe es moria de riure. (310) 73 She kills me. (164) Me deja sin habla. (204) Equivalence 74 She meant why did I get the ax again. (167) Se referia a que hubieran vuelto a expulsarme. (209) Modif ication 75 She kills me. (175) Me deja sin habla. (219) Equivalence 76 We just horse around†¦ (175) Solo hacemos el indio†¦ (219) Equivalence 70 77 That kills me. (175) Me deja sin habla. (220) Equivalence 78 †¦ I'd give her a buzz†¦ (180) †¦ la llamaria†¦ (225) Modification 79 †¦ he was a little oiled up. (182) †¦ estaba un poco bebido†¦ (227) Modification 80 †¦ it gets on your nerves†¦ 182) †¦ le pone a uno nervioso†¦ (228) Modification 81 He was pretty oiled up,†¦ (188) †¦ estaba bastante curda. (234) Equivalence 82 I'm probably gonna give her a buzz†¦ (191) Probablemente la llamare†¦ (237) Modification 83 †¦ but it killed old Phoebe. (197) †¦ pero a Phoebe le hizo muchisima gracia. (245) miscelanea: a journal of english and american studies 35 (2007): pp. 57-75 ISSN: 1137-6368 Translating colloquial idioms/metaphors in The Catcher in the Rye METAPHOR ST (P. ) SPANISH TT (P. ) Modificat ion CATALAN TT (P. ) Equivalence †¦ aniria fins al tunel Holland i faria dit, fins que em carreguessin†¦ 311) Equivalence Com si algu hi acabes de fer un riu. (314) Equivalence †¦ algun desgraciat pervertit que es devia haver ficat a l'escola de nits per pixar o alguna cosa aixi†¦ (315) Modification †¦ la vam fer petar una estona. (316) Equivalence Es va girar i va fotre el camp. (319) Equivalence Es mes gallina que un plat de caldo†¦ (319) Equivalence †¦ un d'aquells tunels que sempre fan pudor de pixats. (328) Modification 71 84 I'd go down to the Holland Tunnel and bum a ride†¦ (198) †¦ iria al Tunel Holland, subiria a un coche†¦ (246) Modification 85 Like somebody'd just taken a leak on them. (200) †¦ omo si alguien acabara de mear ahi. (248) Modification 86 †¦ some perverty bum that'd sneaked in the school late at night to take a leak or something†¦ (201) †¦ un pervertido que habia entrado por la noche en el colegio a mear o algo asi†¦ (249)18 Modification 87 †¦ I shot the breeze for a while. (201) †¦ estuvimos de charla un rato. (249) Modification 88 He turned around and beat it. (204) Se volvio y salio corriendo. (252) Modification 89 He's got a yella streak a mile wide (204) Es de un cobarde que no vea†¦ (252) Modification 90 †¦ those little tunnels that always smell from somebody's taking a leak. (210) †¦ sos tuneles que siempre huelen como si alguien hubiera estado alli meando. (258) Modification miscelanea: a journal of english and american studies 35 (2007): pp. 57-75 ISSN: 1137-6368 Michael O’Mara Discussion of results The purpose of this investigation was to determine which of the two translations, Spanish or Catalan, retains the greater degree of figurative/metaphorical meaning in their representations of the colloquial idioms/metaphors that Holden Caulfield uses, having said that the use of colloquial metaphors is one of the most unique an d defining aspects of the idiolect of Holden Caulfield in The Catcher in the Rye.This is not an assessment of how diligently the translators strove or how successful they were in finding equivalents in the target languages and in no way implies a value judgement as to which translation is more ‘accurate’. It is clear that translators work only with the tools that are available in their target languages and cultural contexts. Nevertheless, what this study attempts to provide is data that can help to clarify to what degree the metaphorical nature of ideas expressed using colloquial metaphors in the source text were preserved as such in the Spanish and Catalan translations.Our results seem to suggest that the colloquial metaphors represented in the Catalan translation retain more of the original figurative meaning present in the source text. This translation employs on significantly more occasions the equivalence method of metaphor translation, used on 53 occasions in the Catalan translation and on 41 occasions in the Spanish version. These data are significant because when this method is used to translate an idea expressed as a metaphor in the source text, the idea retains its status as a metaphor in the target text, the only difference being in its form, or appearance.Since no two languages are alike, target languages cannot always provide correspondences in both form/structure and meaning. Our conclusion is also supported by the fact that the modification method of translation was used on significantly more occasions in the Spanish translation than in the Catalan version: it was used 44 times to produce the Spanish translation and 29 times in the production of the Catalan translation.In other words, the colloquial metaphors that Holden uses in the book are found to be explained or paraphrased significantly more in the Spanish translation than in the Catalan version, which represented these metaphors through either equivalence or the literal method . This last method, although to a lesser degree, supports our conclusion as well: it was found that the Catalan translation used a lexicalized structure similar in form and meaning on 8 occasions while it was found on 5 in the Spanish version.Put differently, although the difference is small (5-8), the Catalan translation uses the same or nearly the same metaphor on more occasions than the Spanish translation. Considered numerically, in the Spanish translation the most frequent method used was that of modification (44), followed by equivalence (41), literal translation (5) and finally omission (0); and in the Catalan translation the most frequent method used was equivalence (53), followed by modification (29), literal (8) and finally omission (0) as may be seen in Table 3: miscelanea: a journal of english and american studies 35 (2007): pp. 7-75 ISSN: 1137-6368 72 Translating colloquial idioms/metaphors in The Catcher in the Rye 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Spanish Catalan Equivalence 41 53 Modification 44 29 Literal 5 8 Omission 0 0 TABLE 2: Translation techniques: frequency 73 Our results can be compared to similar studies such as Lopez Rua (1997) in â€Å"The translation of the idiolects in The Catcher in the Rye: An approach through lexicalized structures† and Lorenzo, M. et al. , (1999): â€Å"Lack of meaning interaction between English, Galician and Spanish in Salinger’s The Catcher in the Rye†.Although the focus of neither study is the translation of colloquial idioms/metaphors, both studies discuss loss of meaning upon translation from English to Spanish and from English to Galician, and coincide in the need to maintain form and meaning between source text and target text. Specifically, Lopez Rua found that the most marked similarity in both translations is the misuse and misapplication of the technique of modification or paraphrasing: Most of the inadequacies detected in the Spanish and Galician versions are related to the translations by paraphrase and by omission.In my view, they are due to the fact that the translators have failed to recognize the defining features of the characters’ idiolect (for example, the systematic use of some lexicalized structures). Apparently, they are not aware of the fact that the writer is deliberately resorting to trite and monotonous vocabulary in order to define the characters and their speech habits. Both translations (but particularly the Spanish one) seem utterly unable to render the characters’ idiolects accurately.Instead of trying to convey those idiolects whenever possible (of course, adapting them to the peculiarities of the TL), in most cases the translators resort to the systematic omission of recurrent structures, and some other times they translate those recurrent structures in many different ways miscelanea: a journal of english and american studies 35 (2007): pp. 57-75 ISSN: 1137-6368 Michael O’Mara without taking into account the context, the styl e, and the character who uses them. As a result, the translation becomes expressionless. 19 The results of Lorenzo et. al. 1999), can be applied as well to our study, especially in terms of the importance of a strict adherence to the identity principle20, from which the Spanish and Gallician versions could have benefited: the majority of the possible errors just studied could have been avoided if the translators had taken into consideration the identity principle†¦ In fact, the identity principle, since it is based on the parallelism between form and meaning in the ST and the TT, would have proved a more accurate mechanism when dealing with the process of translation from a given L1 to L2 and L3. 21 Notes 1 See Costello (1959:173). 74 2 . See Lorenzo, M. , et al. (1999: 324). 8 . Some of these word combinations have been the object of other studies. For example, see Lopez Rua (1997). 9 . See the Oxford English Dictionary’s entry for ‘idiom’: http://dictionar y. oed. com/cgi/entry/50111256? single=1&query_ type=word&queryword=idiom&first=1&max_ to_show=10. 4 . Definition provided by Webster's New Encyclopedic Dictionary (1994: 374). 5 Definition provided by Webster's New Encyclopedic Dictionary (1994: 630). 3 . See Newmark (1988: 104). . Ibid. (1988:104). . See Lorenzo, M. , et. al. (1999: .See Lopez Rua (1997: 147). . Ibid. (1997: 148). . Baker, M. (1992:74) in Lopez Rua 10 11 324). 12 13 14 The term ‘colloquial metaphor’ has been used before, especially in online sources: Answers. com, etc. It was found to be used in some non-linguistic academic contexts (legal) such as â€Å"Why originalism won't die – Common mistakes in competing theories of judicial interpretation†, Duke Journal of Constitutional Law and Public Policy, Online Edition, 2007. Duke J. Con. Law & Pub. Pol'y 230, page 238. 7 . In books that have been published on the subject the term ‘Colloquial idioms’ seems preferable: Ball, W.J. 1972. A Practical Guide to Colloquial Idiom, Wood, F. T. 1976. English Colloquial Idioms, etc. 6 (1997: 148). 15 . Definition provided by Webster's New Encyclopedic Dictionary (1994: 752). 16 . While it is true that both translations of â€Å"It gets on your nerves sometimes† retain figurative/metaphorical meaning, they can be better understood as collocations —†ponerse† (Spanish) and â€Å"posarse† (Catalan) collocate with â€Å"nervioso† (Spanish) and â€Å"nervios† (Catalan)— and their accepted use in both standard Spanish and Catalan is fairly widespread.Here they serve to clarify the original metaphor which in English is generally considered more informal. miscelanea: a journal of english and american studies 35 (2007): pp. 57-75 ISSN: 1137-6368 Translating colloquial idioms/metaphors in The Catcher in the Rye 17 . The translation of the colloquial metaphor â€Å"to get to first base† with someone here is somewhat in accurate. The Catalan translation is closer in meaning to the ST, where the metaphor is used in relation to romantic intimacy: first base refers to initial contacts such as kissing; a â€Å"homerun† generally refers to sexual intercourse. 8 . The absence of a translation for the word â€Å"bum† in the Spanish translation may be considered somewhat inaccurate: although the word â€Å"bum† does not form a part of the metaphor itself, it does contribute to the atmosphere in which the metaphor is presented. In this case, the â€Å"perverty bum† was left just as â€Å"un pervertido† in the Spanish translation, omitting the vital bit of information that the person is a â€Å"bum† i. e. a homeless and/or poor person. The Catalan version translates it as a â€Å"desgraciat† or unfortunate, unlucky, or even wretched person.One might suggest that a â€Å"perverty bum† is more in keeping with the idiolect of Holden than just a â€Å"perv ert†. 19 . See Lopez Rua (1997: 149). . See Lorenzo, M. et al. (1999: 5). . Ibid. (1999:329). 20 21 Works cited American Library Association. http://www. ala. org/ala/oif/bannedbooksweek/bbwlinks/100 mostfrequently. htm BAKER, M. 1992. In Other Words: A Coursebook on Translation. London: Routledge. BALL, W. J. 1972. Practical guide to colloquial idiom. London: Longman. COSTELLO, D. P. 1959. â€Å"The language of The Catcher in the Rye,† AmericanSpeech, Vol. 34, no. 3, October:172-81. LOPEZ RUA, P. 1997. â€Å"The translation of the idiolects in The Catcher in the Rye: An approach through lexicalized structures†. Miscelanea: A Journal of English and American Studies, 18: 139-158. LORENZO, M. , et. al. 1999. â€Å"Lack of meaning interaction between English, Galician and Spanish in Salinger’s The Catcher in the Rye†. Estudios de linguistica contrastiva. Universidade de Santiago de Compostela: 323-330. MERRIAM-WEBSTER Inc. 1994. Webster's New Encyclope dic Dictionary.New York: Black Dog & Leventhal. Received: 11 June 2007 Revised version: 17 January 2008 NEWMARK, P. 1988. A textbook of translation. London: Prentice Hall International. OXFORD ENGLISH DICTIONARY: http://dictionary. oed. com/cgi/entry/50034626? single=1&query_ type=word&queryword=catharsis&first=1&max _to_show=10 SALINGER, J. D. 1951. The Catcher in the Rye. Boston, MA: Little, Brown and Company. —. 1990. El vigilant en el camp de segol. Trans. E. Riera & J. Fonalleras. Barcelona: Editorial Empuries. —. 2006. El guardian entre el centeno.Trans. C. Criado. Madrid: Alianza Editorial. SMITH, T. 2007. â€Å"Why originalism won't die – Common mistakes in competing theories of judicial interpretation†. Duke Journal of Constitutional Law and Public Policy. Online edition, 159: 230-238. VERMEER, H. 2004. â€Å"Skopos and comission in translational action†. In Venuti, L. (ed. ) The translation studies reader. London: Routledge. WOOD, F. T. 1 976. English colloquial idioms. London: Macmillan. 75 miscelanea: a journal of english and american studies 35 (2007): pp. 57-75 ISSN: 1137-6368

Research on Career Lawyer - 1287 Words

Lawyer is a person whose profession is to represent clients in a court of law or to advise or act for clients in other legal matters. Lawyers serve as both advocates and advisers. As advocates, they speak for their clients in court by presenting supportive evidence. As advisers, they counsel their clients on their legal rights and obligations. Lawyers, also called attorneys and counselors, can interpret laws and apply laws to specific situations, and draft new laws. Much of their work involves researching precedents, which are earlier interpretations of laws and the history of judicial decisions based on that law. Lawyers use precedents to support their cases in court. Many resources from law libraries and public documents to computer†¦show more content†¦The most experienced lawyers can earn between $130,000 and $1 million per year. Associates in law firms are paid salaries and receive raises as they take on more responsibilities. After some years of experience, they may be come partners in their firms and receive percentages of the firms profits. Most salaried lawyers are provided health and life insurance, and contributions are made to retirement plans on their account. Lawyers who practice independently are covered only if they arrange and pay for such benefits themselves. Lawyers have quite chance of advancement possibilities and employment outlook. Most beginning lawyers start in salaried positions as associates in law firms or as research assistants or law clerks to experienced lawyers or judges. After several years of experience, they may become partners in their firms or set up their own practices. Some lawyers go into politics or become judges. Some become prosecutors or district attorneys. About seven hundred and thirty-five thousand lawyers practice nationwide. The demand for lawyers is expected to grow as fast as the average for all jobs through 2014. However, many people are entering the profession, so competition for available jobs may be stiff. Lawyers who want to work for law firms will find the best opportunities in big cities, while those who are interested in setting up their own practices will find more opportunities in small towns or suburban areas. There are alsoShow MoreRelatedDeciding to Become a Lawyer960 Words   |  4 PagesLawyer Career Research Just imagine having the opportunity to get paid for arguing. All lawyers have a passion for being able to get their point across and prove something is the way it is. I would enjoy many things about being a lawyer. To be a lawyer I am going to have to know the basics of the career, make the choice of whether or not it is the right career for me, and then the steps I will have to take to become one. A lawyers career may look intricate and complex but just like many otherRead MoreLegal Methods, Research And Writing Essay1433 Words   |  6 Pagessuccessful in law whether studying or practicing the profession Legal methods, research and writing is a major necessity for those in the legal field. It is nearly impossible to study or practice law without the basic knowledge of legal methods, research and writing. This essay examines the importance of Legal methods, research and whether in school or outside in the legal profession. The first reason we need legal methods, research and writing is that it will help us to write essays well and helps studentsRead MoreApplying An Undergraduate Degree At A Respected University1484 Words   |  6 PagesI aspire to be a lawyer in order to defend the accused with the power of law and ensure justice. 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There are multiple hypotheses in this study; a total of 6 with sub parts to a number of them. The first hypothesis to be tested is how the greatest risk of job moves out of private practice will occur during the early years of practice experience. Hypothesis 2: â€Å"Women are more likely than men to leave private practice, particularly during early career years.† The third hypothesisRead MoreCareer And College Research Paper885 Words   |  4 PagesCareer and College Research Paper When I first read To Kill a Mockingbird, I fell in love with Atticus Finch’s character; he was a calm, fair lawyer who fought for the wronged. Lawyers represent individuals, businesses, and organizations in court, as well as read wills and deeds. Criminal prosecutors represent clients who have had a crime committed against them. I chose this career because being a lawyer, especially a criminal prosecutor, requires laying out facts in a clear and concise manner,Read MoreEssay on Becoming A Lawyer1750 Words   |  7 PagesBecoming a Lawyer Loving to argue, speak, and to persuade/convince, I have chosen to research the career of a lawyer. I have always been intrigued by the audacity and wit that lawyers have naturally. I will explain the steps in order to be on the right path in order to become a lawyer. While attaining a degree in your undergraduate studies, you must select a major that will be of some assistance and relevance to your particular law career. For example, if you want to be a corporate lawyer, you

Zero Energy Buildings - 2944 Words

Indian Institute of Technology, Delhi Zero energy buildings Environmental Engineering Ankit Agarwal Prateek Deshmukh Rahul Agarwal Varun Pal Singh Kohli Amrit Juneja 24-3-2008 CONTENTS ABSTRACT 4 INTRODUCTION 5 I. Boundary Definitions and Energy Flows 6 II. Definitions 9 III. How definition influences design 11 IV. Conclusion 14 V. References 16 LIST OF TABLES I. Table 1 7 II. Table 2 15 ABSTRACT: A net zero-energy building (ZEB) is a residential or commercial building with greatly reduced energy needs through efficiency gains such that the balance of energy needs can be supplied with renewable technologies. We lack a common understanding or a common definition for the†¦show more content†¦Achieving a ZEB without the grid would be very difficult, as the current generation of storage technologies is limited. Off-grid buildings cannot feed their excess energy production back onto the grid to offset other energy uses. As a result, the energy production from renewable resources must be oversized at all times. In many cases (especially during the summer), excess generated energy cannot be used. Assumption: We assume that excess on-site generation can always be sent to the grid. However, the grid may not always need the excess energy. In this scenario, on-site energy storage would become necessary. Selecting the best technology from available Supply-Side renewable energy Technologies Typical examples of various supply-side renewable energy technologies available for ZEBs today include PV, solar hot water, wind, hydroelectric, and biofuels. All these renewable sources are favorable over conventional energy sources such as coal and natural gas, but their relative preference depends upon the availability of the technology within the building footprint or at the site. Table 1 shows this ranking in order of preferred application. The principles applied to develop this ranking are based on technologies that: †¢ Minimize overall environmental impact by encouraging energy-efficient building designs and reducing transportation and conversion losses †¢ Will be available over the lifetime of the building †¢ Are widely available and can beShow MoreRelatedWhat A Net Zero Energy Building?2304 Words   |  10 PagesThe Department of Energy is continuing its efforts to collect, study and improve upon its Net Zero Energy efforts. With the continuous increase in energy use by commercial buildings, and the ample amounts of new buildings being constructed each year with little â€Å"retirement† of old buildings, the DOE is looking for options/best practices for the future. The overall purpose of this article is to deliver insight into the DOE efforts in realizing cost effective net zero energy buildings. 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It includes businesses as far as the fields of energy and agriculture. There are some who predict that someday every consumer product will be affected by green technologyRead MoreHealthy Buildings For Disease Control And Prevention1240 Words   |  5 PagesHealthy Buildings According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), â€Å"[more] than one-third (36.5%) of U.S. adults have obesity. Obesity-related conditions include heart disease, stroke, type 2 diabetes and certain types of cancer†¦ The estimated annual medical cost of obesity in the U.S. was $147 billion in 2008 U.S. dollars; the medical costs for people who are obese were $1,429 higher than those of normal weight,† (â€Å"Adult Obesity,† 2016). Forecasts demonstrate obesity prevalenceRead MoreCost-Effective and Beneficial Sustainable Architecture Essay2413 Words   |  10 Pagesway. Thus, leading to exploration of the different forms, of technology and materials used. Further developing my research on how culture, or time, might have affected, what or why, the building might have been constructed in a certain way, and also how the location might have affected the designs, of the buildings. Thomas Herzog was born in 1941, In Germany. Where in 1965, he completed his diploma for architecture at the Technische Università ¤t Mà ¼nchen (University of Mà ¼nchen) and in 1973 he becameRead MoreGreen Building Technology3693 Words   |  15 PagesGreen Building Technology: Functions, Impacts, and Future Prospects Word Count (excluding references and footnotes): 2941 words Table of Contents 1. Introduction †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦..Pg.2 2. Functions in Resource Conservation†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦...Pg.3 2.1 Background †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦..Pg.3 2.2 Heat Control†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦..Pg.4 2.3 Emission Control†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦...Pg.5 3. Impacts†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦...Pg.7 3.1 Social Impacts†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Read MoreEnvironmental Characteristics of Net Zero 720 Words   |  3 Pagescharacteristics of Net Zero Energy Buildings (NZEB) 1000 words research essay A net zero energy building has a system to immensely reduce the total energy of a building by implementing energy efficient technologies which gives counterbalance to the functional energy needs supportive with renewable energy thus reducing the total energy consumption to roughly zero. Zero energy buildings have certain characteristics, such as effective thermal insulation, using renewable energy and using important passive